Gustavo Coronel
A
recent book by former Venezuelan drug Czar Mildred Camero throws much
light on the Venezuelan world of drugs, one that started to grow
seriously during the last 15 years, due to the political alignment of
deceased autocrat Hugo Chavez with the Venezuelan military and with the
Colombian terrorist group, FARC. The book is titled: “Chavismo,
Narcotráfico y Militares”, published in May of this year and is based on
a long interview conducted by journalist Hector Landaeta with Mrs.
Camero.
I
recently bought the book (Amazon) and feel that disseminating some of
the information it contains will help Venezuelan and international
observers of the Venezuelan scene to get a rare glimpse of the inner
workings of the Venezuelan drug world. What I will do is to summarize
the salient points of Mrs. Camero narrative as I read. It will probably
take several posts, as the book is rich with data.
Here I go:
1. The
business of drug trafficking has already infiltrated the Venezuelan
political and military regime to the extent that high ranking members of
the Nicolas Maduro government are deeply involved,
2. The
business is not managed by civilians but by members of the Venezuelan
armed forces, high-ranking government bureaucrats and members of the
police forces,
3. The
period of time during which this business flourished most rapidly in
Venezuela was the 14 year span of Hugo Chavez’s presidencies,
4. The
two defining moments that made drug trafficking a big Venezuelan
business were the arrival of Hugo Chavez in power and the application
of Plan Colombia, that caused a displacement of drug related activities
from Colombia to Venezuela,
5. The
leftist ideology of Hugo Chavez and his links with FARC were the main
motors that allowed drug trafficking to become big business in
Venezuela
6. From
the start there was almost total impunity to the extreme that no drug
trafficker, except one or two, have been put in prison or sentenced in a
court of law,
7. Before
Chavez there were already cases of drug trafficking but Venezuelans
were secondary actors to Colombians. Police, such as the old Policia
Tecnica Judicial, PTJ, and the military limited themselves to collect
dollars for their supporting role. There were already narco-judges, who
protected and facilitated the work for narco traffickers.,
8. The
presidency of Hugo Chavez added a new ingredient, by giving all the
Armed forces a stake in the investigation on drugs, something previously
reserved to the National Guard. After this decision all military
components competed for a share of the business. Not only the National
Guard developed a narco-group but also the military who accompanied
Chavez in his1992 coup d’état started to participate through the
creation of the so-called “Army or Revolutionary cartel”,
9. The
kick off of the business in great scale came with the arrival of Walid
Makled to the drug scene and with the efforts made by then Venezuelan
Vice-president Jose Vicente Rangel to hamper the anti-drug activities of
Mrs. Camero, especially her links with the DEA, the U.S. anti-drug
organization and the British anti-drug organization,
10. Before
Chavez there were some cases of military involvement with drug
trafficking. General Ramon Guillen Davila was sent to prison for his
involvement in one case but President Perez set him free. The same
happened to General Orlando Hernandez Villegas,
11. Walid
Makled rapidly obtained control of drug trafficking in Central
Venezuela, helped by his close links with General Luis Acosta Carles,
Governor of the state of Carabobo. The British organization has photos,
videos, documents, recordings, about Makled’s connections with the
National guard and police organizations,
12. Makled
was a friend of Acosta Carles, the Ameliach brothers (one of them is
the current Governor of the state) and with deputies from the state’s
legislature. Acosta Carles had already been involved with the
disappearance of some 500 kilograms of cocaine, kept in a deposit, the
key of which was in Acosta’s hands,
13. In
2004 Makled momentarily lost 4 tons of cocaine at the hands of the
local Valencia police but the drug was returned to him by Commissar
Jesus Itriago, thanks to a bribe of one million dollars. An
investigation into this event was aborted by five members of the
government party in the Carabobo state legislature who were bribed by
Makled,
14. Makled
carried a document issued by corrupt General Alexis Maneiro,
identifying him as a special agent of the National Guard. Makled also
established connections with general Frank Morgado, with Colonel Eladio
Aponte Aponte, with general Wilson Maury Leal, head of the Air Force
base in Caracas and, of course, with general Luis Acosta Carles,
15. Makled
also had links with civilians: Possibly with Policeman Wilmer Flores
(cousin of Cilia Flores, current First Lady), more surely with
Policemen Norman Puerta and Jesus Itriago. Flores was not directly
involved in trafficking but obtaining kickbacks from policemen who kept
portions of drugs for themselves (“Tumbes”),
16. Makled financed the political campaigns of Hugo Chavez and Luis Acosta Carles,
17. Makled
lost favor because he tried to have his brother elected as Mayor of the
city of Valencia, going against a candidate of the regime. A war
between Makled and the political sector started,
18. The
military decided to take over the drug business from the hands of
Makled. General Cliver Alcala Cordones arrived in Valencia from western
Venezuela, already denounced in that region as a drug trafficker and
linked with FARC. He started an open war with Makled,
To
be continued: The war against Makled is waged by the “Army Cartel”, in
order to take over control of the drug business in Central Venezuela…….
No comments:
Post a Comment